2007-07-18. s( o( ~2 D0 a7 r* Q$ ?4 W2 @
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自由亚洲电台申铧采访报道/中国左派人士创建的“毛泽东旗帜网”目前已被中国政府关闭。此前不久,该网站贴出了一封十七位中共退休高干建言十七大的公开信,强烈批评中国的改革路线和现政府政策。分析人士说,中国的左派和右派面临的一个共同威胁就是中国政府对言论自由的压制。下面是本台记者申铧的采访报道。& V. X1 N6 f1 l2 [6 F) i' ~) `
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“毛泽东旗帜网”创建于2003年,是由北京一百多位自称“热爱毛主席的老同志”在毛泽东诞辰110周年时建成的。该网站称他们的目的“旨在高高举起毛泽东这面伟大旗帜,推动对毛泽东思想的学习、研究、宣传和运用,……为建设一个……社会主义中国尽自己一份力量,为推动国际共产主义运动走出低潮做一份贡献。”这个网站自建成以后,成为中国新老左派主要的舆论阵地之一,发表了很多怀念毛泽东时代、否认当今政府政策的文章。 ; y3 X% C9 z* f, P8 s * z0 Q. ^/ J: Z. h. i8 E8 o6 Y毛泽东旗帜网在最近登载了一封由原国务院发展研究中心顾问马宾牵头的七千字公开信,痛陈改革开放以来出现的种种弊端,认为改革已经走上“邪路”;若十七大仍坚持以往路线,“叶利钦式的人物就一定会出现,亡党亡国的悲惨局面马上就会到来。” 9 [5 ^2 o Z$ Y/ U5 u+ k! ~) c8 p1 q! t" p5 b: o& L {0 W
这封公开信出来不久,毛泽东旗帜网就打不开了。长期关注这个网站的深圳独立分析人士赵达功说,这个网站被封,和这封公开信痛陈当今中国社会弊端的言辞颇具煽动性很有关系: : j$ k: |( T* h- m 9 |" [! u, m8 s* s“因为这里面有省部级干部,都是很有影响力的;中国目前的状况就是共产党非常腐败,再一个就是工人阶级地位低下,不能当家作主,这些都是具有煽动性的。他的观点可以在群众中产生共鸣,对共产党的执政非常不利。”/ T8 f [! i, }; `, n
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现居北京的独立时评人士刘晓波说,毛泽东旗帜网被封,和2001年质疑江泽民“三个代表”理论的左派理论刊物《中流》和《真理的追求》被关闭如出一辄。在刘晓波看来,中共党内保守派-左派的媒体和倡言民主、自由的所谓右派媒体一样为中国政府所不容,但他们被封杀的原因是完全不同的: ; S$ V2 C/ ^* X 4 I) J$ D% a3 ~4 S8 r“左派和右派针对的社会现实基本差不多。所谓自由派民主派针对各种社会现实,把根源归结到政治制度上,而左派也用特别激烈的语言批评现政权,它把这个根源归结到现行政策背离了马列毛的原教旨,中国已经走上了资本主义道路。”; ^, f& E7 J: a5 [/ v+ o
6 l" J' J$ k- b最近被封的左派媒体除了毛泽东旗帜网和《中流》以及《真理的追求》外,中国工人网、工农兵BBS和共产党人网也在去年被封。遭封杀的自由、民主派的媒体就更多了。刘晓波认为,无论左派,还是右派,他们都有权利发表他们的观点,中国政府不应该封杀:6 Q" O% p5 J! o' g2 ~: b U
7 |5 Q( q& b2 a E北京大学马克思和列宁学院教授刘志光(Liu Zhiguang,音译)说:“这完全不重要。这显示不同的理念能够共存,或者,可能只说明我们的领导人变得更聪明了。” 3 z2 H+ a% X. m8 Q, _" v- Y. I2 U6 g* H* o) r8 l
中国现在没有政治游说客,一党专制的政府也很少考虑外部人士的意见。传统上,中国共产党下达的,总是完全成形的政策,以维持他们所希望表现出的无所不知、统一的、家长式的组织的形象。 & `9 ^9 M/ o5 Q7 I/ Z! B ' B# q' e/ X! M7 t- K, }9 _+ R$ k2 i4 U但是,随著中国变成一个更多元化的社会,以及互联网使得信息监查和封锁更为困难,共产党的领导层也被迫变得越来越需要迎合公共意见。 : Q: {7 x* b1 h$ T, j$ m ; A+ W! P4 |5 ^4 K; z专家说,这17名署名人曾试图通过内部渠道来影响最高领导层,但是,他们的意见被拒绝,因此,在无奈之下决定公开声明。这封信本身多半不会改变党的意识形态方向,但是,会加剧党内的分裂。 u- d t* ^ Y V( q c8 R) f+ t9 e @, Q. Y( n& G国家行政学院的汪玉凯说:“这些人希望回到过去,但是,这是不可能的事。”他还说:“我并不会因此就认为他们是坏人。但是,我们必须前进。这种过时的意见是极左思潮的肿瘤。”% d m) r; A- L. c2 U9 E8 Z; `
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July 17, 2007 7 S5 t5 A$ C2 \& O: X; [5 X0 K* t* Z& v
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A man, his placard reading “Help! Save My Mother,” is ushered from outside a Communist Party meeting in Shanghai. ( E# _9 W4 } M% v8 x$ W: _4 r0 Q7 ]; A/ _+ t
8 j8 _: h% \6 N9 k; B7 uLetter accuses China's party of driftThe 17 signatories, ex-officials and academics, say policies make a mockery of Marxism. 2 u2 ~# }8 s+ ]7 p8 N1 ^0 q% _& X# A, f- y. e
BEIJING — A rare open letter signed by 17 former top officials and conservative Marxist scholars ahead of a key party meeting accuses China's top leaders of steering the country in the wrong direction, pandering to foreigners, betraying the workers' revolution and jeopardizing social stability. 7 V( S' X& @; \ , J. P7 \, @( O1 T) s"We're going down an evil road," says the letter on the website http://www.maoflag.net . "The whole country is at a most precarious time."8 n& b# Q& x" N
! H2 N6 z( P; p5 mThe challenge is unusual because of the importance of its signatories and its timing before this fall's party congress, an event held every five years and a key date on the political calendar.& ~7 `' _! G$ D4 e. C1 q3 u" W
) { ~8 k+ O' \8 o& A# eMost public dissent in China generally comes from the beleaguered ranks of human rights activists and minority religious groups seeking to reduce the Communist Party's power. By contrast, those who affixed their names to this document included former government ministers, a former ambassador to Russia, ex-army officers and academics from elite universities and think tanks. And their emphasis was on restoring party control of an economy that has moved rapidly toward capitalist practices in recent years.; A$ \! j( A" U) G/ F
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The letter provides an unusual public view of ideological differences within the party, which generally tries to present a unified front.. u( U0 V4 G, H3 z9 J0 D) r) ~' s
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"This is probably the first time so many high-ranking people have spoken out like this," said He Husheng, a professor of party history at People's University. "The Central Committee is surely not happy at their behavior." & I" v# E9 w" \3 M- j5 C7 w+ m' c1 F* n
The policies advocated by those signing the letter include reversing a law passed this year that allows private ownership of property, abandoning rules that allow entrepreneurs to join the Communist Party, imposing sharp restrictions on foreign investment, putting an end to privatization of state assets and placing a renewed emphasis on Marxist campaigns and education.& |: _2 [3 _+ t3 z
4 m+ V) M4 y" U! ZThe party's focus on economic liberalization has led to a dangerous mix of widespread corruption, unemployment, a growing wealth gap and potential social unrest, the letter's authors argue. , ~2 V, H# }. c4 X5 r/ o M) x' n# \% ?& t) `+ F
If China continues down this path, the letter says, the country will soon "have its own Boris Yeltsin" and "the demise of the party and country would loom."; {3 M$ z- J: e% [ Y- m
- |0 j% \ I+ Q6 J; ^The signatories can expect a call from propaganda officials "strongly suggesting" they delete their letter, said He, the party history professor. If they don't agree, it will be deleted for them, he added. , {7 P6 U( ?+ D; t9 K7 H1 } 5 A- @" A# O0 e1 PIndeed, by Tuesday afternoon the website appeared to be blocked, with a "Service Unavailable" notice displayed on the otherwise blank page, a fate more often reserved for websites sponsored by human rights activists than party stalwarts. % F! p$ h/ Y# {' Q$ U7 |5 @' g6 X. f6 u6 A; _5 z' K! @
The seven-page letter appeared on the website late last week, about two weeks after a key speech by President Hu Jintao that appeared to be aimed at silencing critics within the party. The timing suggests that significant differences remain as party leaders try to unify their ranks behind Hu's policies, which have attempted to open up China's economy while maintaining control of the political system.1 N: _5 g) C+ K2 Z$ d& q. `% S7 r
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"This shows that the disagreement within the party over reform is pretty big and perhaps getting bigger," said Wang Yukai, a professor at the National School of Administration in Beijing. "This kind of open letter will put quite some pressure on our leaders and only have negative effects on proper decisions.") o S' _% \6 U5 ~* ?
9 V" v0 ~& J( [+ m! UThe letter, addressed to Hu and the party's Central Committee, targets in particular capitalists and foreigners who have flourished under policies that the signatories say have eroded socialism, equality and fairness. - d% n& c* x0 Y. H2 k $ a4 x0 O- n- H4 v- f, x! J"Party secretaries have become capitalists, and capitalists have joined the party," the letter says. "Foreign corporations are plundering domestic markets and crushing our national economy." The signatories also urged competitive internal elections for central party members and the party secretary, a sign of the group's displeasure with Hu's leadership. 7 e# p: g& u; B2 [% ~. i. m' r) \1 c
The views expressed in the letter speak to a constituency that has seen its power diminish under China's ferocious economic growth, rapid social change and growing diversity. The China Daily reported Tuesday that almost 3 million of the party's 72.4 million members now work in private business, up from almost none a few years ago. * m" U g! J7 `! S) m+ ~. F; p/ M* q
In addition to facing dissent from conservatives over economic changes, Hu has come under fire from liberals who have pushed for a more open political system. Those views were aired in a cover story in the latest issue of the liberal journal Yanhuang Chunqiu, which roughly translates as History of the Chinese People. It argued that though China has reformed economically, it continues to drag its heels on important political reforms outlined by paramount leader Deng Xiaoping in the 1980s. These include reducing the excessive power of the party and ending its overarching grip on the government.- S: `+ T" B* Q% E
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Some analysts denied that such articles were indications of ideological differences in party ranks, arguing instead that the diversity of opinion underscored changes afoot in China. + L0 A f( C: o' H( N( k 1 J2 w+ w. {) B! D"This is not significant at all," said Liu Zhiguang, a professor at Peking University's School of Marxism and Leninism. "This shows that different opinions can coexist, or maybe that our leaders are just becoming smarter." 9 Q2 A2 f4 W; k7 m; L2 @4 i( b1 G; T3 B- E
Officially, China has no lobbyists, nor does its monopoly political party consider lightly any outsiders who attempt to influence its decisions. The Chinese Communist Party has traditionally handed down policies fully formed, in keeping with its preferred image as an all-knowing, unified, paternalistic organization. # a- l" U* Q# n* t+ u! e% A- \" H+ ~; X5 j& C- Y; q: v' J# f* q
As China has become a more diverse society, and the Internet has made censorship harder, however, the leadership has been forced increasingly to contend with, respond to and adapt to public opinion.1 L0 C* o0 k0 @, F- h$ x( E7 M m
9 C2 U# k4 l0 }# g7 |+ Y7 ]9 ~# DExperts said the 17 signatories had sought to influence top leaders through internal party channels, but they were rebuffed and, in frustration, decided to go public. : P! R- U- l2 Q# l5 l/ B* a( Y# o9 w/ B
The letter by itself is unlikely to alter party ideology, which if anything has become more rigid in recent years as a bulwark against unsettling social change, they said. But it could intensify divisions.9 f! p( G! f2 j+ R* u+ f
# c2 t: }3 O) N6 t5 q"These guys want to turn back the clock, but that's impossible," said Wang of the National School of Administration. , |5 n! ]* S6 r) L! _& \4 H. s) X6 d( [& ]! f/ J4 y( ~: s5 b$ i
"I wouldn't say they're bad people. But we must move forward. Such outdated opinions are a leftist tumor." 2 M& n; q. c7 G! A4 M0 w# j& O9 ^5 ~* L4 ~9 ?
[ 本帖最后由 日月光 于 2007-7-20 18:59 编辑 ]