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标题: [国际新闻] 索马里兰：乱世中的“安宁之岛” [打印本页]

作者: 日月光 时间: 2007-3-10 11:26 标题: 索马里兰：乱世中的“安宁之岛”

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卖冰淇淋的小推车挤满了大街，货币兑换商没人携带武器，也没人做保镖，就用独轮车推着满车的现金从集市中间穿过。三个不同政党的政客们正准备展开新一天的争论。 * P. x" g, K& A& \- u+ i# C

　　这里是索马里，又好像不是索马里。在索马里首都摩加迪沙，成千上万名非洲联盟的维和部队正准备拯救摩加迪沙。但在这里，索马里兰的平静以及正常的秩序，似乎成了一个谜团。 7 L1 |) \8 A; B5 C  C, k; i

　　1991年，在索马里中央政府解体后，索马里南部爆发的部族冲突迅速失控，索马里兰随即宣布独立，但没有任何国家承认其为独立国家，也几乎没有国家向其提供援助，作为历史上索马里最贫困的地区之一，索马里兰的成功也因此更加令人迷惑。

　　索马里兰的领导人身边没有西方专家，不过，他们已经设计出一套政治体制，使部族冲突减少到最低程度，同时让部族长老发挥特殊作用，这些人是索马里社会的传统支柱。他们已经使数千名年轻的武装分子放下武器，并将他们吸收进“政府军”，而在索马里南部，这一问题的解决仍然遥不可及。他们甚至还举行了三轮多党派的大选，而在非洲之角，多党派民主政治通常都是徒有其表，至于索马里，自从上世纪60年代以来，一直都没有举行过大选。
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　　“一切都可以追溯到英国殖民者时代。”89岁的瓦拉贝说，他是索马里议会上议院的议员。

　　19世纪，殖民大国在非洲之角展开争夺，英国控制了索马里兰，意大利人则控制了索马里，英国人主要依赖部族酋长进行统治，意大利人则建立了一个完全讲意大利语的政府，从意大利引进数千人种植香蕉、修建教堂，教当地人煮咖啡。
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　　这种统治的一个结果就是，位于南部沿海的摩加迪沙，成为非洲的一个主要商业中心和最美丽的城市之一，但与此同时，其传统的权力体制却被大大削弱，不少索马里分析人士说，这正是中央政府垮台之后、军阀得以超越部族长老控制摩加迪沙的部分原因之一。 ' U. `6 H( K3 W8 V, X+ `# n8 v; d

至于英国人，他们从未在索马里兰投入过什么，不过，当地的传统却因此多多少少完整地保留下来。1960年，索马里和索马里兰同时摆脱殖民统治，并迅速合并成为新的索马里共和国。不过，这桩“婚姻”后来却出现了问题。到了上世纪80年代，索马里兰的叛军组织“索马里国民运动”开始袭击政府军哨所。1988年，政府军战斗机根据总统的命令轰炸索马里兰，哈吉萨被炸成一片废墟，5万平民死亡。
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如今，索马里兰人正在等待获得国际承认。“索马里兰共和国”的“总统”拉亚勒•卡辛说：“我们之所以建立了新的国家，就是因为我们把这些问题当成了自己的问题，但我们南方的兄弟们却还在等待，直到现在，他们还在等待其他人的帮助。”

　　在暴力与混乱到处肆虐的索马里，索马里兰的平静以及正常的秩序，似乎成了一个谜团。 / x) J) O! u/ y' \2 \8 X/ G6 s
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　　提到索马里，或许很多人首先想到的就是好莱坞大片《黑鹰坠落》，全副武装的美军士兵在索马里首都遭遇重挫，仓皇撤离。那里似乎总是枪声炮声、残垣断壁、永无宁日。
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　　但实际上，就在这个战乱不息的国家，还有一片安静的土地：在那里，部族冲突十分少见，年轻的武装分子放下武器，加入了“政府军”；民众可以拿着大把大把的钞票在街头行走而无需担心被抢。

　　这个混乱国度中的“安宁之岛”就是位于索马里西北部的索马里兰。

　　●索马里过渡政府向索马里兰学习

　　上世纪90年代初，索马里兰和索马里南部一样，部族冲突不断。索马里兰当地政府采取的第一个步骤是劝说武装分子放下武器。他们缓慢行动，首先收缴武装皮卡，然后是重武器，最后允许民众保留手中的轻武器，从而成功解决了至今仍困扰索马里南部的武器泛滥问题。而在索马里南部，上世纪90年代初，数千名美军士兵和联合国维和部队联合采取行动，都未能平息部族冲突，收缴民兵武装。 , S  ]. K% {2 m6 g& ~

　　与索马里南部相比，索马里兰的发展几乎没有得到任何外援。过去几年，索马里南部接受了数以千万计美元的援助，而索马里兰则几乎一分钱都没有得到，但两者的发展却形成鲜明对比。
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　　在2002年的大选中，索马里兰领导人设计出一种体制，专门用来制约部族权力，他们将政党的数量限制为三个，防止上世纪60年代派系林立的现象重新出现。 4 e- t( l$ r, C2 t% ?! Z1 [
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　　此外，索马里兰领导人还将82名由各个部族长老组成的理事会转变成“议会上议院”，那些部族长老们因此变成了索马里兰的“参议员”。

　　现在，索马里过渡政府正在从某些方面学习索马里兰，比如吸收所有主要部族的代表加入政府。
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The Other Somalia: An Island of Stability in a Sea of Armed Chaos
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HARGEYSA, Somalia, March 1 — When the sun rises over the craggy hills of Hargeysa, it sheds light on a different kind of Somalia.- Y3 Q# h2 n" P7 A- {. n
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Ice cream trucks selling bona fide soft serve hit the streets. Money changers, unarmed and unguarded, push cash through the market in wheelbarrows. Politicians from three distinct parties get ready for another day of debate, which recently included an animated discussion on registering nomadic voters.7 ]! x; b& x. s2 E
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It’s all part of a Somali puzzle: how one area of the country, the northwest, also known as Somaliland, can seem so peaceful and functional — so normal, in fact — while the rest continues to be such a violent, chaotic mess.4 v; m; w' g) e/ K; D' i* O
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This tale of two Somalias is especially striking now, as thousands of African Union peacekeepers prepare to rescue Mogadishu, the nation’s bloodstained capital, from itself. The internationally backed transitional government that seized Mogadishu in late December with Ethiopia’s help says it cannot survive without foreign aid and foreign peacekeepers to quell clan fighting and an escalating insurgency.
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Somalilanders, who have wrestled with their own clan conflicts, find this ridiculous.4 R+ |% X2 L: p- `( @$ x, |
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“You can’t be donated power,” said Dahir Rayale Kahin, the president of the Republic of Somaliland, which has long declared itself independent from the rest of Somalia. “We built this state because we saw the problems here as our problems. Our brothers in the south are still waiting — till now — for others.”

But Somalilanders are waiting, too: waiting to be recognized. In 1991, as Somalia’s government disintegrated and clan fighting in the south spun out of control, Somaliland, traditionally one of the poorest parts of Somalia, claimed its independence. But no country acknowledges it as a separate state and very few even contribute aid — which makes Somaliland’s success all the more intriguing.

Its leaders, with no Western experts at their elbow, have devised a political system that minimizes clan rivalries while carving out a special role for clan elders, the traditional pillars of Somali society. They have demobilized thousands of the young gunmen who still plague Somalia and melded them into a national army. They have even held three rounds of multiparty elections, no small feat in a region, the Horn of Africa, where multiparty democracy is mostly a rumor. Somalia, for one, has not had free elections since the 1960s.4 }# |! g" U# b+ _* |1 d' m% x

Of course, Somaliland has not always been so stable, and Somalia has not always been so chaotic. Even now, critics say the Somaliland government can be repressive and inefficient, and the mental hospital in Hargeysa, the capital of Somaliland, seems to be evidence of both — patients are chained to their beds in dark, smelly rooms.
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But Somalilanders are quick to point out that at least they have a mental hospital, which the more populous south does not. And their steady, underdog efforts to create a functioning state from the ruins of war seems to dispel the notion that Somalia is an inherently ungovernable, warlike place.

So, what happened?; t9 R- I2 p  T  Y3 F" N8 L6 R. T0 K9 i

“It all goes back to the Brits,” according to Hajji Abdi Waraabe, an 89-year-old member of Somaliland’s upper house of Parliament.4 }" U* o$ y9 E$ l" c7 y) ]1 E

When the colonial powers sliced up the Horn of Africa in the 19th century, the British got Somaliland and the Italians got Somalia. While the British relied mostly on clan chiefs to govern, the Italians created an entire Italian-speaking administration and imported thousands of people from Italy to farm bananas, build cathedrals and teach the people how to pour espresso.
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One result was that Mogadishu, along the southern coast, became a major commercial hub and one of the most beautiful cities in Africa, but its traditional systems of authority were weakened. That is partly why, many Somalia analysts say, warlords were able to outmuscle clan elders and dominate Mogadishu in the vacuum that formed after the central government fell.8 ?  n% @6 \3 s% D- I

The British, on the other hand, never invested much in Somaliland, leaving it poor and dusty but with its traditions more or less intact. The two territories were granted independence in 1960 and quickly merged to form the Somali Republic, but it was never a happy marriage. By the 1980s, the Somali National Movement, a northern rebel group, was blowing up government posts.
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In 1988, government fighter bombers, at the orders of President Mohamed Siad Barre, flattened Hargeysa, killing 50,000 civilians.
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The Somali National Movement proved indispensable in the fragile years after the Barre government collapsed. It set up the guurti, a council of wise men from every clan, which soon evolved into an official decision-making body.7 b0 k# a' W* I% E, D+ R) e+ W' T
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Most of the men were illiterate herders but they became the glue that held Somaliland together. In a sparsely populated nomadic society, where many people live far from government services, clan elders are traditionally the ones to reconcile differences and maintain social order.( [) N1 \, I" }

“They were a cushion,” said Ahmed Mohammed Silanyo, the leader of Somaliland’s main opposition party. “Whenever there was friction, these old men would step in and say, ‘What’s wrong with you boys? Stay together.’ ”: {5 d: J$ u2 P% l8 ?/ G" `
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In the 1990s, while clan warlords in Mogadishu were leveling the city’s fine Italian architecture, the guurti, along with rebel leaders, were building a government.; n& r% n  T/ D! L
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Somaliland, like Somalia, was awash with weapons and split by warring clans. Their first step was persuading the militiamen to give up their guns — a goal that still seems remote in the south. They moved slowly, first taking the armed pickups, then the heavy guns and ultimately leaving light weapons in the hands of the people. Again, this stood in contrast to the south, where in the early 1990s thousands of American marines and United Nations peacekeepers failed to put a dent in the clan violence.

“We had a higher purpose,” said Abdillahi M. Duale, Somaliland’s foreign minister. “Independence. And nobody in the outside world was going to help us get there.”

That would prove to be a theme here. The less outside help, the better. Over the years southern Somalia has received tens of millions — if not hundreds of millions — of dollars in aid, and Somaliland almost nothing. The difference is striking, though it is true that Somaliland may be easier to govern with an estimated 2.5 million people, compared with 6 million in the south, and a somewhat less complex clan structure.
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Still, for elections in 2002, Somaliland leaders devised a system specifically to check clan power. They limited the number of political parties to three to prevent a repeat of the fragmentation of the 1960s, when nationwide elections spawned more than 60 political parties, essentially one for each subclan. It was an attempt to create parties based on ideology, not tribe, something that has proved very difficult across Africa.* c( H) M2 S" ?6 Z0 {0 \# k
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The leaders also turned the guurti, whose 82 elders are appointed by their respective clans, into the upper house of Parliament, “Somaliland’s senators,” as people here like to say.$ k7 f& [; l( U+ M/ \) ?
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In some ways, Somalia’s transitional government is now trying to replicate Somaliland’s approach by including representatives of all the major clans.* l6 m* p7 a) {% Y& H! t" f

But some experts say the transitional government is missing broad support, partly because Somalia lacks the same strong clan leadership as Somaliland and because many of those selected to serve in the transitional government lack the stature of guurti elders.& d9 a6 _; G( p. v7 B
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The guurti in Somaliland can strike down laws passed by the elected House of Representatives, though the representatives can override the guurti with a two-thirds vote. It is a mix of tradition and modernity, Western-style democracy meets Somali-style politics, though some people feel it is time to renovate the system.  |9 \9 \9 P8 {
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“We need to move on,” said Faisal Ali Waraabe, leader of the opposition Justice and Welfare Party. “The guurti helped get us through a crisis, but now we’re trying to push our people from tribal loyalty to institutional loyalty, from clan loyalty to national loyalty.”6 `5 Y) ^% J; N! y  N* h5 x

Mr. Silanyo agrees. “It’s ridiculous to have an elected body that can be trumped by an unelected body,” he said.
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For all its progress in clan reconciliation, Somaliland still has its blood feuds. Just this week, a task force of eight guurti members convoyed from Hargeysa to the seaside town of Berbera to work out a truce between two clans fighting over pasture land. Already, four people have been shot.3 `( H# o3 Y! F# Z

But the one issue that unites most Somalilanders is recognition. Somaliland has its own money, its own flag, its own national anthem and even its own passport., A* N) H) u( U3 m' D

“And we have peace, a peace owned by the community,” said Zamzam Adan, a women’s rights activist. “You’d think in this part of the world, that would count for something.”

图片附件: [Hargeysa is the capital of a poor, peaceful self-declared republic. More Photos »] SOMALILANDmap.jpg (2007-3-10 11:26, 61.36 KB) / 下载次数 123
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图片附件: [索马里兰的民众在街头摆着大把钞票准备交易。] 44.jpg (2007-3-10 11:26, 26.32 KB) / 下载次数 126
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作者: 日月光 时间: 2007-3-10 11:27

索马里兰：乱世中的“安宁之岛” * j9 ~2 d2 R& ?" `' a+ W2 X. { z3 S

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Hargeysa is the capital of Somaliland, the northwest area of Somalia, which claimed its independence in 1991, though no country acknowledges it as a separate state.; G2 C. J; C4 @% ]- ]

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In contrast to the violent, chaotic mess in the rest of Somalia, Somaliland is relatively peaceful and functional. In Hargeysa, money changers, unarmed and unguarded, conduct business openly.

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Women sell jewelry at an outdoor gold market in Hargeysa.

The territories of Somalia and Somaliland merged to form the Somali Republic in the 1960s, but it was never a happy marriage. A fighter jet used in the 1988 bombing of Hargeysa by the government, to put down a rebellion in the north, is a reminder of the perils of the union.
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The leaders of Somaliland have devised a political system that minimizes clan rivalries while carving out a special role for clan elders like Haji Abdi Waraabe, 89, who are the traditional pillars of Somali society.
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Somaliland demobilized thousands of the young gunmen who still plague Somalia and melded them into a national army.( u! O8 Z- p+ e* E& M. y

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“We built this state because we saw the problems here as our problems,” said Dahir Rayale Kahin, the president of the Republic of Somaliland. “Our brothers in the south are still waiting — till now — for others.”
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Refugees of the fighting in Somalia have fled to the comparative peace of Somaliland, where they live in tent camps.

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An animal market in Hargeysa, where people buy and sell livestock. Somaliland has its own money, its own flag, its own national anthem and even its own passport.+ G, J3 N$ E- u* Z; P0 ~1 P# Y! H

The steady, underdog efforts to create a functioning state in Somaliland seems to dispel the notion that Somalia is an inherently ungovernable, warlike place.2 X: i/ X( c5 J

A traffic policeman is one sign of normalcy and order in Hargeysa.7 a6 W- G/ H" ]7 J: [8 l( D: ~
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Hajji Adbi Waraabe, 89, left, during mediation in Berbera. He is one of the clan elders who have helped Somaliland keep a lid on clan fighting.

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